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An
Ireland of the Mind
How Irish Argentines Don't Know and Don't Care About
Irish Politics
By
Sergio Kiernan*
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One of the
shocks of life for an Irish Argentine is to talk politics with
an Irishman. If the Argentine truly listens, he will find a New
World opening before his eyes, a world made up of Fianna Fail,
Clann na Gael, Sinn Fein and other mysterious-sounding names.
It's the world of Irish politics, the dark side of the moon for
the Argentine-Irish community.
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On the other hand, the Irish tend to have
a headache when their foreign brethren – those within "the
connection" – start talking politics. That is because they
suddenly find themselves in a fairy tale of Bad Brits, Noble
Bards and Freedom Fighters. The tale is made up of a sequence
of invasion, plantation, Cromwell, Ascendancy, rebellion, coffin
ships, famine, more rebellion, evictions and yet more rebellion.
Then there is Easter 1916 and the movie fades to black with
that Big Ambiguity, the Civil War. That is, for all practical
matters Irish history ends in 1922 for the Irish Argentine. |
First Dáil Eireann (1919)
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It is
truly amazing: communities that managed to retain their Irish
identity after four, five or more generations abroad, draw
a sharp line after the effective independence of the country
and fast-forward to The Troubles, a political development
that can be nicely fitted in the old fairy tale. More amazing
still, the ones that can actually tell the fairy tale are
the relatively few who bothered at all to learn some Irish
history. It seems that that is all they manage to retain.
Why?
Argentina
must be a special case of denial, with a community that has
some difficulty remembering even the Easter Rebellion. To
start to understand this peculiar development, one has to
bear in mind that Irish Argentines are the only ones in the
Diaspora that didn't settle in an English-speaking country.
There is of course some tiny Irish presence almost anywhere,
like the 3,000 Brazilian Irish and a few hundred Chileans
of Irish descent. But Argentina's is clearly the largest community
outside of the US, Canada, Australia, South Africa and of
course Britain.
When emigration
to Argentina became important, in the second half of the nineteenth
century, the Irish found a country fast becoming part of the
imperial sphere of influence. Development was fueled by British
capital and know-how, and being Irish became a competitive
advantage over the natives. English-speaking and legally British
subjects, the Irish in Argentina behaved mostly as one more
variety of Britons, good subjects that happened to be Catholic
and have a brogue. A familiar type for people of my generation
were the thoroughly anglicized, five o'clock-tea aunts that
spoke --or tried to-- the King's English.
The Irish
kept their distance from local politics until the 50s and
60s of the past century, when their children entered the lunatic
fringe with gusto by joining groups such as Tacuara where
Baxter, Lynch and Nell plotted revolution and robbed armored
cars. But the founding experience of the community was getting
consular protection to avoid being drafted and serve in the
Paraguayan war in the 1860s. The first generation was so reluctant
to become Argentine that it attracted the ire of President
Sarmiento, who wrote article after article damning the Irish
as ungrateful.
Community
political life in regard to Ireland wasn't that much different.
The Irish spent time and treasure building an extensive network
of churches, hospitals and schools, started a newspaper –
still published as a monthly and the second-oldest in the
country – and gradually became more and more Argentine.
It would be a matter of interest to know the history of how
the Irish here and the Irish Argentines digested the rise
of modern nationalism in Ireland, from Parnell – another
virtual unknown among locals – to De Valera. Edmundo
Murray points the way in the epilogue to his recent "Devenir
Irlandés", where he writes of the Irish learning
to love Argentina and at the same time learning to see an
enemy in Britain.
What is
known is that there was a measure of excitement in the years
between Easter and the Civil War, when Ireland had a clandestine
rebel government. An Irish mission came to Argentina to raise
funds and did sell some Irish Republican Bonds, but not many.
The last echo of that period is the habit of hanging reproductions
of the Independence Proclamation at home, a souvenir as popular
with Irish Argentines as it is with Irish Americans.
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Easter Rising. Irish Citizen Army troops (1916). |
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Then silence.
The agonies and subtleties of post-Civil War politics in Ireland
didn't register here. Nobody knows about the founding of modern
parties, the tortuous return of De Valera to the mainstream
and to power, the role of the Church in society, the Fascist
temptation of the Silver Shirts, the Emergency and its almost
pro-Nazi neutrality, the changes in Ireland since it joined
the European Union (except for the recent prosperity). Informal
research shows, in fact, that Argentines assume that since Ireland
is a republic, it must have a President in charge, just like
Argentina, and the news of the existence of a Primer Minister
is disconcerting. |
The Troubles are the exception to the rule. In Irish-Argentine
eyes, Ulster is a piece of Old Ireland, with an Ascendancy and
brutal British repression. This familiar Nationalist yarn creates
certain cognitive noises: the IRA translate as patriots and
at the same time as guerrillas, a type very familiar and unsettling
to the prosperous Irish Argentines. The level of understanding
of the complex and courageous peace process in Ulster is abysmal:
a pub in Brooklyn would probably yield more insight than the
whole community in Argentina.
Curiously
enough, there is something deeply Argentine in that attitude.
Faced with mass immigration on a scale relative to the population
never seen even in New York, Argentina reacted in the late
nineteenth century with a thorough and successful program
of Argentinization based on a school curriculum that stressed
nationality to grotesque extremes. Immigrants were tacitly
told to leave their politics at home: Argentina offered a
fresh start but the price was to cease being active citizens
of their home countries. There were exceptions, of course,
notably Italian anarchists who didn't see any reasons to drop
their internationalist socialism, and the flare of emotions
detonated in the Thirties by the Spanish Civil War. But all
in all, there was a thorough process of depolitization that
severed ties with Europe.
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And
of course there is the factor of distance. Argentina is
as far from Ireland as China – if your are flying,
that is – and tours to the old country were rare
until recently. The result is an Ireland of the imagination,
a never land of nice people who love the drink and just
don't have a political life. I suspect that Irish Argentines
prefer to believe in the reality of the Isle of Saints
and Bards, willfully erasing the modern country.
A
country is, after all, a pretty unromantic entity that
levies taxes and has and immigration policy. Our Ireland
is hallowed ground, to be touched or thought about with
tears welling
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Eamon de Valera (1882-1975)
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Whatever
sense this article makes is due to D.B., an intelligent
Irishman with a passion for politics and a very clear
mind. The blunders are the author's alone. Pace.
Sergio Kiernan
*
Sergio Kiernan is a professional journalist and the
Sunday Editor at Página/12, a national daily
published in Buenos Aires. He often writes on politics
and culture, and is the author of a series of papers
on terrorism published by the American Jewish Committee
in New Yay Editor at Página/12, a national daily
published in Buenos Aires. He often writes on politics
and culture, and is the author of a series of papers
on terrorism published by the American Jewish Committee
in New York. |
©
Sergio Kiernan, Irish Argentine Historical Society
Last
Update: September 2004 |
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