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Researching the Irish in Argentina |
An
Irish-Argentine History or a History of the Irish Argentines? |
By
Edmundo
Murray |
Editor, Irish Migration Studies in
Latin
America |
Geneva,
July 2003 |
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During
the nineteenth century, nearly 45,000 Irish-born individuals
emigrated to Argentina. They settled in the lush and boundless
land between the City of Buenos Aires and Southern Santa Fe,
and worked primarily as shepherds and sheep-farmers. They
were members of medium tenant families from Westmeath, Longford,
Offaly, and Wexford (though Dublin, Cork, and Clare were well
represented). They travelled from their homelands to Liverpool
or Southampton, and from there to the River Plate, as passengers
on sail ships up to the mid-nineteenth century, and on steamers
thereafter. They were young and willing to work hard.
Once established
and during about a century, the Irish Argentines shaped an
incredibly endogenous community, which in rare occasions allowed
its members to mix with the natives (though the English and
affluent Argentines were fairly accepted). Led by the Irish
Catholic priests and financed by the Anglo-Irish merchants
of the City of Buenos Aires, it was a socially clustered and
an economically self-sufficient community. Nearly one out
of two Irish immigrants settled on a permanent basis in Argentina
and Uruguay. Some of them managed to own their means of production,
i.e., land and sheep, and they founded families which for
three or even four generations kept the language, religious
habits, and traditions brought from Ireland by their ancestors.
We know
all this, and much more, about the Irish in Argentina. However,
we know very little about the values of these gauchos irlandeses,
the ideas that influenced their actions, the principles they
followed on their every day activities. What were those values?
What models did they use to judge their own and others' behaviours?
What ideology or ideologies appealed to them? How did they
represent their ideas through literature, journalism, music,
and other arts? What was their choice regarding certain identity
oppositions, such as Argentine/Irish, English/Irish, European/Native,
Midlands/Wexford, Protestant/Catholic, poor/affluent, landowner/tenant,
work/leisure, city/countryside, man/woman? Beyond their economic
interests, how did they justify their participation (or the
lack of it) in local or national public life? In what form
did their values evolve during the acculturation process in
the larger society that received and accepted them? What guiding
fictions (Shumway's 'The Invention of Argentina', 1991) and
Oedipal paradigms (Kiberd's 'Inventing Ireland', 1996) were
created by the Irish in Argentina as metaphoric symbols of
their identity in a postcolonial topography?
According
to Eric Wolf, 'the world of human kind constitutes a manifold,
a totality of interconnected processes, and inquiries that
disassemble this totality into bits and then fail to reassemble
it falsify reality. Concepts like "nation," "society,"
and "culture" name bits and threaten to turn names
into things' ('Europe and the People Without History', 1982).
A primary objective of Irish Argentine studies should be to
understand the leading values of the Irish in Argentina, which
prevailed during the migratory process and shaped the beliefs
of significant numbers in their community. This understanding
must be carried out within the totality of interconnected
processes which linked the migrants to other social segments
in Argentina and Ireland, and with the global geography of
the Irish Diaspora.
As a rule,
values are unwritten. They are social attitudes that may be
only recognised between the lines of the public discourses,
on documents with limited distribution like private letters
and memoirs, fictional texts, and photographs (in particular,
those taken with certain intention). In order to identify
cultural values in the available sources, it is necessary
to make recourse to diverse fields: comparative analysis across
cultures, semantic and pragmatic evolution, communications
and transportation studies, questions of class and gender,
development of identities and ethnicity.
Through
this web site, and through other projects of the Irish Argentine
Historical Society, we wish to open a debate area to study
the Irish-Argentine cultural models, which may contain their
major ideologies and motivations. As patterns of conduct,
cultural models help to understand not only emigrants' beliefs,
but also their effects on emigrants' behaviours. Additionally,
I propose to use cultural models as a thorough way to establish
comparison analyses with the outcome of other diasporic and
diachronic migrations.
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De-hyphenating
Irish Argentina |
Readers
may have noticed that I am not using Irish-Argentine and Irish
Argentine as synonyms. On the one hand, Irish-Argentine is
an adjective applicable to persons or things in varying degrees.
On the other hand, Irish Argentine is a noun, which identifies
the person who may qualify to that name, commonly because
of his or her ancestry. For instance, an Irish Argentine may
not be Irish-Argentine at all! (for instance, if he or she
is not aware of his or her family origins). The central point
of this discussion is the difference between a history focused
on the Irish Argentines and an Irish-Argentine history. The
former is, or could be, free of the values and ideological
discourses of the Irish in Argentina, meanwhile the latter
would be more or less influenced by those values.
We developed
this web site with the awareness of, but without a blind adherence
to, the prevailing historical discourses in Argentina and
in Ireland. A simplified (albeit introductory and superficial)
panorama of traditional Argentine historiography reveals two
polarized positions: liberals (Unitarios, an intellectual
and urban elite, followers of Northern-European Romantic models),
and nationalists (Federales, supporters of populist caudillos
and mass leaders with traditionalist ideologies). On their
turn, few writers of Irish history (including the Irish Diaspora
history), could stay away from the Nationalist/Revisionist
historical (now historic) Manichaeism.
Regarding
the history of the Irish Argentines, the situation is rather
peculiar. Most of the published chronicles about the Irish
in Argentina were (and still are to some degree) written with
the contribution discourse in mind, i.e., an Irish-Argentine
ideological framework which signifies the Irish settlers and
their families as (positive) contributors to their adopted
land, and therefore sets them as exemplar models of what this
discourse often terms the 'Irish race.' From a psychological
perspective, the contribution discourse would balance the
(negative) view that many Irish have of themselves vis-à-vis
the English (cf. Patrick O'Sullivan 1992).
Paradoxically,
the Irish-Argentine contribution discourse would be judged
too liberal by the largest part of Argentine nationalist historians,
and too nationalist by the Irish revisionists. In point of
fact, most cases of the contribution discourse neglect at
least two fundamental realities: the voiceless settlers who
did not bear the mainstream ideology, i.e., the Catholic nationalistic
dogma, and the negative contribution of a few Irish Argentines
to the Argentine state of affairs. The Irish Argentine Historical
Society is an open invitation to articulate alternatives to stream ideology, i.e., the Catholic nationalistic
dogma, and the negative contribution of a few Irish Argentines
to the Argentine state of affairs. The Irish Argentine Historical
Society is an open invitation to articulate alternative discourses
about the history of the Irish Argentines, and our expectation
is to make known learned (i.e., enlightenment rather than
description) texts and documents covering the diversity of
Irish-Argentine experiences.
Within
the context of Irish-Argentine history, family history is
one of the first interests. Irish-Argentine historians need
to validate their role by demonstrating family links with
Ireland. Subsequently, they transfer their genealogical research
to others in the community. Conversely, a history of the Irish
Argentines uses genealogy to understand family connections
among different actors of the Irish-Argentine community. However,
the focus is not on genealogy but on the study of relations.
Certainly, I propose family historians to consider a genealogical
rhizome as an alternative to their genealogical tree. Richer
than pedigrees, cultural roots follow hidden stimuli and grow
under the surface of kinship, and sometimes produce the unexpected
inflorescence of a new ethos that challenges the established
heritage (Deleuze & Guattari, 'Milles Plateaux', 1980).
As Thomas
Murray did in 1919, I encourage now your own participation:
'Whether you be young or old, man or woman, if you know anything
worth while, bearing on the Irish in Argentina, set to and
write it off to some paper - get it into print, and you have
done something - you have laid your stone on the cairn of
the race' (Murray 1919: 479). |
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References
Deleuze,
Gilles and Felix Guattari (1980). 1730 – Devenir-intense, devenir-animal, devenir-imperceptible, in:
Capitalisme et
schizophrénie 2 : mille plateaux. Paris: Les éditions
de Minuit.
Kiberd, Declan (1996). Inventing Ireland:
the Literature of the Modern Nation.
London: Jonathan Cape.
Murray, Thomas (1919). The Story of the Irish
in Argentina. New York: P. J. Kenedy & Sons.
O'Sullivan, Patrick (ed.) (1992). The Irish
World Wide: History, Heritage, Identity. Vol. I: 'Patterns
of Migration'. London: Leicester University Press.
Shumway, Nicholas (1991). The Invention of
Argentina. Berkeley: U. of California Press.
Wolf, Eric (1982). Europe and the People Without
History. Berkeley: U. of California Press.
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Copyright 2003 � Irish Argentine Historical
Society (IAHS) |
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