Notes
[1] Cf. Graham 1979: 79-127
and Conrad 1972: 41-44.
[2] A detailed episodic
narrative of these events, very well documented, although
dissociated from the main stage of the political history of
the empire, can be found in Lauth 1987. The latest, and most
comprehensive, work about this subject is Marshall 2005.
[3]
On French emigration to Brazil see Silva 2001.
[4] Many other aspects of the
affinities between Ultramontanism and
nineteenth-century progress ideology in Brazil are examined in
Neves 1999: 213-226.
[5] Laemmert's famous Almanac
kept an annually updated record of virtually all names of
merchants, societies, tradesmen of all sorts, authorities,
public officials, noblemen and industries established in the
capital of the Empire in and the adjacent province of Rio de
Janeiro. There are no entries for William Scully prior to
1862. Therefore, it is safe to assume that he came to Brazil
in 1861. Initially not only did he teach calligraphy but also
sold what must have been expensive calligraphic pens, as shown
in the advertisement on page 22 of the 'Notabilities' section
of the 1862 almanac.
[6] See also
Graham 1979: 79-127.
[7] The author cites Bethell,
Leslie, The abolition of the Brazilian slave trade:
Britain, Brazil and the slave trade question, 1807-1869
(London: Cambridge University Press, 1970). Cambridge Latin
American Studies, N° 6, 313.
[8] This accusation, and
somewhat in conflict with the hypothesis of British
subsidisation, finds its basis in the correspondence between
Zacarias and Caxias, reproduced in Pinho, Wanderley,
Política e políticos no Império: contribuções documentaes
(Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1930), 86-88. Zacarias, in
a letter to Caxias, admits to having supported Scully
financially. Caxias most probably had known of this for some
time. It is possible that, taking into account the events of
1862 and 1863, the Brazilian military regarded British
subjects as potential suspects, therefore keeping at least
some of them under surveillance.
[9] For an example of how
concerned British diplomacy had become with the hostility
displayed by Brazilians towards the question of abolition, see
Conrad 1972: 75.
[10] For a different
assessment, see Marshall 2005: 24.
[13] See Graham 1979: 67-68.
Richard Graham n this 1966 article, indicates that, after the
ending of the trans-Atlantic African slave trade to Brazil '
England continued to exert pressure on the government of Dom
Pedro II in the decades of 1850 and 1860, until Brazil
manifested a firm decision to put an end to slavery. Although
the law that emancipated the children of slaves born after 28
September 1871 is usually considered the first indication of
an abolitionist campaign, in reality it was the conclusion of
the British phase of a history that had begun forty years
earlier.' Unfortunately, Graham does not tell us how this
pressure was exerted, after the Christie Affair.
[15] The imperial speech
from the throne in 1867 was also published in English by
Scully's newspaper. See ABT 23 May 1867.
[16] This can be attested in letters addressed by the
count, a Frenchman, to his father. Letter nº 48 Minuit 1/4, 23
April 1867 (Grão-Pará
Archive,
Brazilian Imperial Museum, Petrópolis) reads
"...
Scully m´a fait savoir qu´il se voyait obligé de cesser la
publication de l´A.B.T.: il offrait même de restituer le prix
des abonnements. Il paraît qu´il va s´établir á Buenos Ayres.
J´en suis très fâché sous tous les rapports. Ce qui motive
cela, c´est que le malheureux s´est vu surpris par une
condamnation a trois mois de prison qui lui a été infligée par
le Chef de police pour prétendues insultes [contre] l´ex-chef
de police que l´avait arrêté lors de son incendie. Dès que
j´ai su cela, j´ai demandé à l´Empereur de lui pardonner se
peine. L´Empereur, suivant son usage, ne m´a rien répondue,
mais à quelques jours de là, les journaux m´ont appris que le
pardon avait été accordé. Seulement, il paraît que cela ne
change pas résolution de Scully et mois je suis encore à me
demander comment, dans ce pays où l´on a sans cesse à la
bouche les préceptes de la Constitution, un Chef de police
peut s´ériger en pouvoir judiciaire pour condamner un étranger
inoffensif! ...".
[19] See also Marshall 2005: 52-57.
[20] This was indeed,
greatly anticipated in England, by the Catholic Father George
Montgomery, who took direct part in the recruitment of the
Wednesbury colonists. See Marshall
2005: 60-61.
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