Portugal
and Ireland are often overlooked in the search for
international best practice in migration policy. Both situated
at the Western Atlantic periphery of the European Union, the
two countries have experienced distinct historical
trajectories. In the past, Ireland was settled, conquered and
governed through various means by its larger neighbour.
Portugal, on the other hand, despite its small size, presided
over an international trade and colonisation network that
spanned the globe, encompassing at various times islands in
the Atlantic Ocean, parts of South America, West Africa, India
and Southeast Asia (Oliveira e Costa & Lacerda 2007). Today,
both Portugal and Ireland are experiencing unprecedented
levels of inward migration. While the economic and social
reality of immigration is a fait
accompli, the
transition in identity from countries of emigration to
countries of immigration is far more fraught.
During
the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, there was
a significant level of migratory movement between Portugal and
Ireland, largely related to trade networks and fishing
enterprises. In present times, travel between the two
countries is characterised by the settlement of Portuguese
migrant workers in Northern Ireland, commencing around 2000
(Holder & Lanao 2005), and by Irish tourists returning
year after year to holiday resorts in the Algarve. This
article does not seek to examine movements between the two
countries, but rather to compare the recent immigration
histories of Ireland and Portugal.
The
heady days of the mass trans-Atlantic migration of the
nineteenth century left their mark on Portugal and Ireland
(see, for example, O’Sullivan 1992-97; Garcia et al. 1998).
There are significant Portuguese and Irish communities in the
United States, Canada, Australia, Argentina, Brazil and South
Africa, among other destinations, whose origins date back to
Europe’s ‘age of migration’ in the nineteenth century
(Bade 2000). Portuguese migrants in the nineteenth century
often followed the pattern of colonisation, settling in
Angola, Mozambique and the Atlantic Islands, as well as in
Brazil. Irish migration generally followed in the wake of
British colonisation, with Irish migrants showing a preference
for Anglophone countries such as Canada, the United States,
Australia, New Zealand and Great Britain itself.
The
twentieth century saw a marked shift in migratory flows from
Portugal and Ireland, which - particularly from the 1950s
onwards - were directed to more prosperous countries within
Europe. Portuguese migrant workers moved to Germany, France
and Belgium, while Irish emigrants made the short trip to the
industrial cities of Great Britain. Regardless of their
destination, however, the experience of emigration was
associated in the national imagination with heartbreak, exile
and saudade (roughly
translated as homesickness), and was expressed in cultural
forms such as fado songs in Portugal and sean-nós songs in Ireland. The demographic watershed in the 1990s, when
the two countries began to experience a sustained period of
positive net migration, required therefore a dramatic
reinterpretation of national identities and government
policies alike.
Mass
emigration from Ireland and Portugal continued until the
1980s. In an actual as well as an emotional sense, the
experience of emigration has been hugely significant to the
histories of Portugal and Ireland, and to contemporary
perceptions of identity. Remittances sent back by migrants, as
well as skills acquired by returning emigrants, have been
hugely significant to the Portuguese and Irish economies. The
Portuguese economic recovery has been more gradual than the
Irish ‘Celtic Tiger’ economy of the 1990s and 2000s, yet
the salience of inward migration in both cases should not be
under-estimated.
In
terms of the contemporary immigration experience, the two
countries share many similarities, and even the most cursory
examination of their immigration and integration policies
demonstrates the potential for mutual learning. Portugal and
Ireland experienced the transition from net emigration to net
immigration in 1993 and 1996 respectively, and were the last
of the fifteen pre-2004 European Union member states to do so.
The immigration policies - and to a lesser extent, integration
policies - of both countries are significantly influenced by
those of their larger neighbours, Spain and Great Britain,
with which they share land borders.
The
populations of the two countries are small by Western European
standards, though the population of Portugal - 10.6 million -
is over twice that of the population of the Republic of
Ireland - 4.2 million. Together with emigration, the Roman
Catholic religion has played and continues to play an
important role in both Portuguese and Irish society, with
about 90% of the populations of each country classifying
themselves as Roman Catholic - though less than a third attend
mass regularly in both cases.
Yet in some significant respects, there is a divergence
in the histories and current situations of Portugal and
Ireland. Contemporary immigration to Portugal, like historical
emigration from Portugal, is to some extent conditioned by the
country’s colonial past, with a significant proportion of
immigrants hailing from Brazil, Angola, Guinea-Bissau and the
Cape Verde islands. Portugal’s immigration history was
indelibly marked by the collapse of the European colonial
powers in Africa in the mid-1970s, leading to a mass migration
phenomenon known in Portugal as ‘the Return of the
Caravels.’ This was fictionalised within the magic realism
tradition by the acclaimed writer António Lobo Altunes
(Altunes 2000 & 2002).
Table 1.
Foreign-Born Populations in Europe (EU/EEA and
Switzerland), 2005
|
Country |
Size
of foreign-born
population, 2005 (thousands) |
Foreign-born
as share of total
population, 2005 (percent) |
Share
of foreign-born with
citizenship of country of
residence, 2000-04 (percent)* |
EU-25 |
Austria |
1,234 |
15.1 |
41 |
Belgium |
719 |
6.9 |
41 |
Cyprus** |
116 |
13.9 |
|
Czech
Republic |
453 |
4.4 |
80 |
Denmark |
388 |
7.2 |
40 |
Estonia |
202 |
15.2 |
|
Finland |
156 |
3.0 |
42 |
France |
6,471 |
10.7 |
53 |
Germany |
10,144 |
12.3 |
46 |
Greece |
974 |
8.8 |
42 |
Hungary |
316 |
3.1 |
71 |
Ireland |
585 |
14.1 |
45 |
Italy |
2,519 |
4.3 |
|
Latvia |
449 |
19.5 |
|
Lithuania |
165 |
4.8 |
|
Luxembourg |
177 |
37.4 |
13 |
Malta |
11 |
2.7 |
65 |
Netherlands |
1,638 |
10.1 |
|
Poland |
703 |
1.8 |
96 |
Portugal |
764 |
7.3 |
66 |
Slovakia |
124 |
2.3 |
84 |
Slovenia |
167 |
8.5 |
|
Spain |
4,790 |
8.5 |
31 |
Sweden |
1,117 |
12.4 |
63 |
UK |
5,408 |
9.1 |
|
Subtotal |
39,790 |
8.6 |
|
Other
EEA and Switzerland |
Iceland |
23 |
7.3 |
|
Liechtenstein |
12 |
33.9 |
|
Norway |
334 |
7.4 |
48 |
Switzerland |
1,660 |
22.9 |
29 |
Total |
41,829 |
8.9 |
|
|
|
Note:
* Latest available year (2000-2004). ** Greek part of
Cyprus only.
Source: OECD Database, UN Migration Database (2005)
|
|