Author's
Reply
Limerick, in decline after the siege of
1690-1691, revived in the mid eighteenth century by the
West Indian provision trade, sugar and rum. The white
Palladian building, right of the bridge, is the new
customs house (now the Hunt Museum) and further right
the Georgian suburb of Newtown Pery can be glimpsed.
(The Hibernian Magazine 1776) |
Reviewing this
book (332 pages of text), Gera Burton has written at
length, summarizing its structure and content while adding
further factual material and personal commentary. At certain
points she would have liked more figures; one hundred and
sixty seven sightings of Africans were recorded in eighteenth
century Ireland (p.127). The reviewer felt that a comparative
figure for Britain and other European countries would have
been informative. Such figures could have been furnished,
revealing the Irish number as tiny when measured against the
contested figures for England - from three thousand to thirty
thousand, with the latest estimate suggesting five thousand
upwards (Myers, 1996: 31). In France, with a population more
than twice that of England and Wales, four to five thousand
has recently been posited (Peabody 1996:4). The fact that
Ireland did not possess slave trading ports and was not an
imperial metropole reduces the cogency of the comparison. Even
more elusive is any exact quantitative assessment of the Irish
merchants and captains involved in the Liverpool slave trade.
The relevant material appears to be very sparse but further
extended research could well reveal new sources. The same is
true of Bristol and London, the latter port busy with slave
ships and Irishmen in the late seventeenth and early
eighteenth century and as yet so far un-investigated. (There
is certainly at least a PhD thesis in all this.)
Burton is also
concerned that this book glosses over Cromwellian deportations
to Barbados. The author however feels that she struggled hard
with the problem of bond servitude and transportation to the
West Indies in the seventeenth century doing what she could
with the current printed evidence. As far as she could
ascertain no Irish historian since Aubrey Gwynn in the
nineteen thirties has directly confronted the issue of
Cromwellian transportation (Gwynn, 1931) Over the last decades
Kerby Miller et al have brought about a revolution in
historical knowledge of Irish emigration to North America in
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Even more recently
Mary Ann Lyons and Thomas O’Connor’s conferences and
publications on the Irish abroad have produced similar
understanding for continental Europe over an even longer time
span. (Attending one such lively and informative conference,
this writer was asked by a post doctoral scholar where her
particular interests lay. When she replied ‘The Irish in the
Caribbean’ he laughed and said, ‘You are on your own.’) A new
study of Irish migration across the Atlantic in the
seventeenth century, the era in which Caribbean destinations
were at their most important, would be very challenging, the
evidence scattered and diverse, yet this is an important
project worthy of thought and investigation. Where thousands
are carried away in ships there is usually some trace left in
shipping or financial records - the early years of the slave
trade, recounted by Hugh Thomas, make this clear.
When commencing
research on Ireland, slavery and anti-slavery, the
author began by writing Part 2, At Home, intending to produce
a short work on the eighteenth century showing how Ireland was
part of the ‘Black Atlantic’, its economy, society and
politics affected by the export of provisions to the Caribbean
and the import of slave grown produce, sugar and tobacco. It
is still the case that the chapters focused on the eighteenth
century contain more in-depth research than the others.
However the lack of published material on Ireland’s
involvement with slavery and anti-slavery suggested that a
work extending into earlier and later times could at least
provide a useful overview for interested scholars.
Producing a
survey of two and a half centuries entails a high degree of
selection, always a difficult process. It seemed apposite to
avoid writing at length on any prominent figure who left
Ireland in youth and made his name in England. This entailed
the rejection Hans Sloane and Edmund Burke, the former often
seen as the father of the British Museum, the latter as the
philosopher of British Toryism. In the case of Burke, mounting
interest by historians in the influence of his Irish
background on his thought and career, caused the author to
lift the ban. In Sloane’s case it remained. Born in County
Down in 1660 he left Ireland to study medicine and produced
the first natural history of Jamaica in which he commented on
slavery as well as flora and fauna. The author now feels that
a concise and compact survey of the Irish in Jamaica from 1655
to 1838 would have been a useful contribution to historical
knowledge and could have made some use of Sloane’s writings.
However, as the structure of the text had evolved, she could
see no easy way of including such an account. Time of course
was also a factor. Dublin contains Jamaican plantation records
belonging to the O’Haras of Sligo and the de la Touche’s of
Dublin which the author never managed to consult. Jamaica
remains a rich and promising field for future researchers.
Commenting upon
Part 3 ‘Emancipation,’ Burton is disappointed that more
attention should not have been paid to the abolitionist R.R.
Madden. Looking back the author agrees that she could have
used the rich material which Madden provides more extensively.
There were two reasons why she decided not to deal with his
career at length. First she had already published an essay on
this subject and did not want to repeat herself. (Rodgers,
2003:119-131). But again consideration about the structure of
the book influenced the decision. Madden’s anti-slavery career
was carried out within a British context and at this point in
time (the late 1830s and early 40s) the author was eager to
move on to the U.S.A, where the main struggle between slavery
and anti-slavery was now taking place.
Throughout the
work the author has attempted to use biographical material in
order to convey important historical developments in an
interesting manner. Perhaps this does not work as well as she
had hoped, for Burton has reservations about the device and in
John Mitchel’s case finds the material decidedly lengthy. In
chapter 13 ‘Famine and War’ the book deals with a place and
time so important to the Irish that historians of migration
and military historians have produced extensive research and
publication. Discovering that many people in Ireland knew John
Mitchel supported slavery with no idea why, and in search of a
strategy which would allow her to survey work done by others
while adding some degree of original research, the author
decided to showcase the Mitchel family as Irish emigrants
entering, and contributing to, the maelstrom of the slavery
and anti-slavery conflict. The close of this chapter returns
to Ireland to concentrate on the impact of the Galway
professor, John Eliot Cairnes’ influential Slave Power, its
Character, Career and Probable Designs (1863) followed by
a description of the stimulus which the cotton famine gave to
Irish linen. Considering that chapters 11 and 12 already
provided an account of the work of the HASS (Hibernian
Anti-slavery Society) assessing its contribution to the
international anti-slavery movement and its impact on Irish
society, the author does not provide a detailed history of its
downs and ups 1850-1865. Anyone interested in this topic
should start their researches by reading D.C. Riach’s,
pioneering PhD. thesis ‘Ireland and the campaign against
American slavery,1830-1860’ to which Ireland, Slavery and
Anti-slavery 1612-1865 owes many debts.
In her review
Burton takes a stimulating line in suggesting analogies
between the position of the Anglo Irish and the crillos
of Cuba. This of course could be extended to mainland Latin
America where the existence of indigenous, dispossessed
peoples would offer an even closer comparison with the Irish
situation. On the Caribbean islands Arawaks and Caribbs had
been eliminated. African slaves, like the Europeans who
imported them, were newcomers not natives. Pursuing her
comparison Burton asks if Lord Castlereagh had been born in
Kingston would he have been considered Jamaican? The answer is
‘yes’. Any son born to a long established planter family
resident in the colony, when he went to school or university
or visited England, would have been hailed as a Jamaican or
West Indian and would have viewed himself as such. The
equation of Jamaicans with blackness is a post emancipation
development. In the eighteenth century slaves were in a
demographic majority on the island but many of them had been
born in Africa. Even after 1807 the number of these was
substantial. The small group of elderly African
intellectuals, slaves and ex-slaves, with whom R.R.Madden
became friendly, prided themselves on being Muslim and
Mandingo (Madden 1835: i 99-101, ii 183-189.) To return from
the Caribbean to the Irish situation, Castlereagh’s
Presbyterian forbearers had arrived in Donegal in 1629 and a
century passed before they began their move into an
Anglo-Irish, Anglican ethos. Born in 1769, for most of his
life he thought of himself as Irish and was regarded as such.
Only after he had eliminated the Irish parliament and achieved
cabinet status at Westminster did he decide that he was
beginning to feel English.
Ireland,
Slavery and Anti-slavery depicts
identity as a social construct, often multi-layered and
hybridised, shifting with time and place. The book uses as a
base line the contemporary eighteenth century view of
Ireland’s population as consisting of ‘Protestants (members of
the Church of Ireland), Catholics and Dissenters
(Presbyterians) and the study seeks to delineate their religio/ethnic
backgrounds and their privileged or underprivileged status.
It attempts to show how black slavery impacted on everyone
from the rich and powerful to the poor and oppressed.
Burton quotes
Rodgers’ definition of those considered suitable for inclusion
in the study but is uneasy about the choice and would have
liked a deeper analysis of ‘the contentious matter of
“Irishness”.’ For the last forty years Irish historian
(historians writing about Ireland?) have been working to amend
the view of ‘the true Irish’ as a monolithic group ‘lacking
agency’ which Burton puts forward, drawing upon post-colonial
theory. Rodgers discusses post colonialism with regard to
anti-slavery literature and here finds it an unhelpful mode of
analysis (pp.254-255). Within the review she feels that at
times it leads to confusion. At one point Burton notes the
importance of urban growth in eighteenth-century Ireland, at
another she states firmly that the island’s economy was
‘languishing in British control’. The text stresses that even
without admission to the slave trade, within the imperial
regulations laid down by Westminster, Ireland benefited from
mercantile contacts with the slave plantation complex. The
argument that Ireland was part of the ‘Black Atlantic’ is the
thesis upon which this book is based.
Given the
different approaches of reviewer and reviewed some degree of
disagreement is inevitable and could prove fruitful. In the
hope that Ireland, Slavery and
Anti-slavery will stimulate
further research, they are in complete agreement.
Nini Rodgers
References
- Cullen, Louis
M,‘The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries’ in Nicholas Canny (ed.) Europeans on the Move,
Studies in European Migration 1500-1800 (Oxford, 1994)
- Gwynn,
Aubrey, ‘Cromwell’s Policy of Transportation’ in Studies,
20 (June 1931).
- Hart, William
A. ‘Africans in eighteenth-century Ireland’ in Irish
Historical Studies, 23:29, May 2002.
- Miller, Kerby
A.,‘Scotch -Irish,black-Irish and real Irish: emigrants and
identities in the Old South,’ in Andy Bielenberg (ed.), The
Irish Diaspora (London, 2000).
- Madden,
Richard Robert A Twelve Months Residence in the
West Indies
(New York, 1835). 2 vols.
- Myers, Norma,
Reconstructing the black past: Blacks in
Britain 1780-1830
(London, 1996)
- O’ Conner,
Thomas (ed.) The Irish in
Europe 1580-1815 (Dublin, 2001).
- Peabody, Sue,
There are no slaves in
France (Oxford, 1996)
- Riach,
Douglas C. ‘Ireland and the campaign against American
slavery, 1830-1860’ (unpublished PhD. dissertation, University
of Edinburgh,1975).
-
Rodgers, Nini, ‘Richard Robert Madden: an Irish anti-slavery
activist in the Americas,’ in Oonagh Walsh (ed.)
Ireland Abroad,
Politics and Professions in the Nineteenth Century
(Dublin, 2003).
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